The continuous economic relations of India with Russia are feared in the West that India could facilitate the constituency of sanctions against Russia. This is at the top of India’s refusal to openly condemn the Russian invasion of Ukraine, leaving the EU far from being happy.
Nevertheless, relations with India are far too large to risk serious deterioration, so that the relationship goes forward with the opening of the ALE negotiations. These negotiations must be used strategically, alongside other instruments that the EU could exercise positively to strengthen its relationship with India.
Why Russia is counting for India
Indian foreign policy is pragmatic and its position vis à vis Russia is mainly motivated by economic opportunities and strategic assessments. Even if India sometimes describes its historical partnership with Russia as “a marriage unless loved is not yet ready for divorce”, if you follow the traces of money, the conclusion may be different.
THE news The largest cement producer in India paid in Chinese yuan for a cargo of Russian coal makes India may become a stolen door to sneak around sanctions against Russia, especially if it becomes the beginning of A new trend.
In addition, India’s favorable vision on Russia’s new “turn to the east” – aimed at stimulating commercial and investment links with India, China and South Asia – improves these fears. India is an increasing economy eager to seize economic opportunities, but these developments are always rather worrying.
In addition to these economic aspects, defense cooperation remains the main engine of the Russian-Indian partnership.
It is estimated that 50 to 80% of Indian military capacities are of Russian origin. During the last Summit of India-Russia in December 2021, another major defense agreement was signed, and the strategic partnership deepened with the creation of foreign ministerial and foreign defense dialogue and defense. The two (disputed) borders with an increasingly assertive China, immediate and reliable security cooperation is necessary. Currently, India considers that only Russia can provide ‘No question asked‘.
France has also increased its cooperation in defense with India. However, by providing 27% of total Indian imports during the 2017-2021 years, it is still well below Russia, while the United States was not only provided.
In addition, like Bhaswati Mukherjee, former Indian ambassador to the Netherlands, A explainAfghanistan’s chaotic removal of Western has left the strong impression that India would not be sufficiently sustained if necessary. Recognizing the discomfort of India with potentially upsetting its main defense supplier led the EU to simply accept to disagree on the issue and to move forward.
Keep India in the fold
The years 2012-2016 were characterized by frozen relationships and this left a sustainable brand. It is important to avoid a similar break in relations in the coming months and years. Given the centrality of India in the Indo-Pacific region, the EU cannot risk losing India and allowing it to derive in the arms of its authoritarian competitors.
Like the high / vice-president, Josep Borrell, recently said: “The EU must work more with countries that do not share all our values”, and see the eyes on all cases should not be a prerequisite to any cooperation.
The EU should therefore act strategically and in cooperation with the United States and Japan. THE Creation of the Commerce and Technology Council (TTC) with India Will facilitate the co-development of future technologies. The approach of TTC with India, the United States and potentially Japan can help rely on the achievements of the other to obtain positive results with India.
India was also invited to the G7 of this year which was organized by Germany. It was the fourth consecutive time that India joined the G7 after the original invitation of France in 2019. New G8. Aware that sitting at the upper table is also accompanied by responsibilities, extending membership of India could also encourage him to adopt a more closely aligned foreign policy on the shared values of the G7.
Then the first series of negotiations for a EU free trade agreement also started on June 27. Already politically loaded due to high expectations, the current war in Ukraine adds another layer of geopolitical complexity.
Any final agreement of the ALE must come with the certainty that it will not be a boomerang against the interests of the EU (such as offering a stolen door to bypass sanctions) but at the same time, negotiations must be treated with sensitivity and care.
To diversify Indian defense capacities – thus reducing dependence on Russia – the EU and India are also striving to improve their cooperation in terms of security. During the first EU-India consultation on security and defense held on June 10, India and the EU discussed co-development and co-production of defense equipment, including possible participation From India to Pesco.
The co-development of defense equipment and future technologies is a sign of EU confidence in the long-term partnership of the EU-Indian, and with this comes from additional responsibilities. These political decisions can be read as a sign of hope in the strength of Indian democratic institutions, or rather in the need for ‘Work overtime to fold the trajectory of India to the west ‘.
If it is synchronized, concluding an Ale to the ballooning, extending membership in the G7 to India to create a new G8 and implementing the TTC parallel to India, the United States and Japan, Can rationalize Indian foreign policy and encourage India’s adhesion to shared values.
But for the moment, we do not agree
The EU and India may not see the eyes of the Russian invasion of Ukraine completely. India is next to an increasingly assertive China, so it absolutely does not want to put its main source of defense equipment in danger, which is still Russia.
But there are many other avenues that the EU can and should explore with India. Yes, the two had to agree to disagree on Ukraine so far.
But it’s really ok because when you take the long view, there is so much more in play.
About The Author
